Washer, who is a doctor, was concerned about Thomson's health. Thomson has managed to maintain his composure but he sounds like he has been hollowed out, and without the television make-up he looks like a ghost.
Thomson told Washer he was OK and was feeling happier, less pressured somehow since he had moved to the crossbenches. Washer makes no judgment about whether Thomson is a good or bad person, whether he is innocent or guilty. As a GP he just wanted to find out how a man with a young family was coping, physically and mentally.
It was one of the few displays of cross-party civility in politics in recent days, weeks or months. Others fear Peter Slipper is not coping well. And even more of a worry is the impact of these scandals on their wives and families
Rumours circulate almost daily about the private lives of politicians. The most persistent recent rumours have centred on Tony Abbott. The Opposition Leader has chosen to ignore them, hoping they will wear themselves out.
Bill Shorten and his wife Chloe took a different course and tackled the rumours about them pre-emptively at the weekend.
MPs are entitled to feel sorry on a human level about how much Thomson and Slipper and their families have suffered, but they should not allow their empathy to cloud their reason or their political response. There is no comparison between those sagas and their impact and the kind of stinky gossip, hurtful as it is, wthat smudges many high-profile figures. Thomson and Slipper are not the subject of nasty tittle-tattle or innuendo, much as the government wishes or pretends they are.
An exhaustive inquiry by Fair Work Australia has made the most serious findings against Thomson involving massive misuse of union funds.
Sexual harassment allegations have been lodged in court against Slipper by a former staff member, and police are investigating charges that the Speaker misused entitlements.
As a result, enormous damage has been inflicted on the reputations of all politicians, the institution of parliament and their own parties. There is a near-unprecedented level of public fury, and it has another layer to it. They now feel ashamed too.
Parliament cannot and should not expel Thomson or Slipper. Expelling individuals would be inappropriate and inadequate. It needs to act in a way that screams its intolerance of a deplorable situation. A new code of conduct will not do either. Much more dramatic action is required.
Meanwhile the court of public opinion has already made one decision, and that is on Julia Gillard's handling of scandals and government generally.
If Thomson gave the Prime Minister the same explanation months ago that he gave to Laurie Oakes on Saturday, it is no longer a case of what did she know and when did she know it, but how could she stick by him for so long, knowing what she knew.
Alternatively, if Gillard didn't know, why didn't she? She would have been able on any day at any time to question Thomson in the same forensic way that Oakes did, and for a lot longer.
There were any number of actions the Prime Minister could have taken, any number of words she could have spoken, short of passing judgment, to convey her understanding of the gravity of the situation, and to try to distance herself and the government from it. She did not do or say any of them until it was too late.
Rather than looking like it was doing everything possible to rid the place of sleaze, the initial strategy was to pretend none existed. Now the strategy is to try to spread it around by recycling decades-old disproved allegations against Abbott, referring to Sophie Mirabella's personal life and threatening to dump dirt on others, none of which excuses promoting Slipper and protecting Thomson, and none of which will diminish public anger towards the Prime Minister, the government and the parliament.
Rather than appealing to Australians across the board, the government narrowcasts with repeated references to its Labor budget and its Labor values. If it works, it could see Labor's vote rocketing into the 30s, but it needs to pitch to a much wider audience.
Rather than concentrating on selling the budget on its merits -- and they actually had good material to work with -- Gillard blew a hole in her own sales campaign by accusing Abbott of not getting out enough, and spending too much time on Sydney's north shore, to know what real families were experiencing.
This would be the same Abbott who has driven us bonkers every day for roughly 547 days with picfacs from the Pilbara to Brisbane to Dandenong with butchers, bakers, and chicken sexers as he prosecutes his campaign of fear against the carbon tax.
Gillard recycled the rhetoric not of the last century but the century before. Even if it worked then, it is unlikely to work now. It cheapened the government's economic arguments at a time it mattered most, and gave Abbott an invitation and a free pass.
Gillard's attack, and the events leading up to it, gave Abbott the opening to respond as he did in his budget in reply speech by inviting people to compare and contrast his values with hers, between his life experience and hers, and to avoid policy detail.
He gave people an outline of his objectives and goals without telling them how he would reach them. It did not please the financial aficionados, but he would be mad, in this climate, to release an alternative budget or anything like it, or to throw out billions in lures to attract votes.
People are simply not in the mood. They are too angry and too cynical -- a mood not helped by Michael Kroger's jaw-dropping denunciation of his former close friend Peter Costello.
Kroger's public hyperventilating -- the behaviour of a man untethered -- was as tragic as it was spectacular. A friendship that spanned 35 years, and that has delivered so many personal rewards and political dividends, has fractured in the most destructive fashion, leaving mutual friends distressed and dismayed.
Kroger also hurt Abbott, not only in a direct sense but because of the inevitable "They're all the bloody same" kind of reaction that was bound to follow.
They aren't all the same. It is a point I have been obliged to make often lately, and not unwillingly, to people who despair about the state of national politics and its participants.
The worst characteristics of some of the people and the place have been accentuated and exacerbated by minority government. It is time to end it.
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